After Uzbekistan gained independence, fundamental reforms were implemented in all aspects of the republic’s life and are still being implemented. A deep understanding of the processes related to the self-determination of the Uzbek people and national revival requires a scientific study of the experience of national state building and a generalization of the experiences of Uzbekistan in the way of renewal and development.
Today, the history of the struggle for Turkestan Autonomy, which was the first experiment in establishing a national-democratic statehood in our country, is of special importance. This history, which attracted the attention of the scientific community, is now not only of scientific, but practical and even political interest. Because in its coverage, the events of those years are re-evaluated, the activities of Turkestan's politicians, public figures and thinkers in the struggle for freedom and independence are revealed.
At the beginning of the 20th century, Jadidism, which was an ideological manifestation of the autonomist movement, spread in Turkestan as a cultural and educational movement, and later as a political movement, and the Jadids declared that their goal was to build a secular democratic state. For this, the Jadids were determined to reform the economic and political system of the state and to develop education and science. But by choosing this path, they did not want to give up national and spiritual wealth, but they wanted to get rid of the old views that had settled in the minds of the people until now, achieving gradual changes on their basis. Because these views hindered the development of the state and the growth of the people’s consciousness.
In February 1917, the struggle against the tsarist government in Russia reached such a height that the absolute monarchy system collapsed. The rule of the Romanov dynasty, which ruled the Russian Empire for three centuries, was overthrown. On February 27, 1917, the Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies was established in Petrograd. After that, Soviet power began to be established in major cities of Russia.
The period after the coup d'état was an important stage in the political awakening of Turkestan peoples and the organization of their political forces. As a result, these forces, relying on the democratic forces developing in the former Russian Empire, started an open struggle with their programmatic activities in order to free themselves from colonial oppression on the basis of national-territorial autonomy and establish their own statehood on the basis of broad sovereignty within the framework of democratic Russia. For this, supporters of autonomy explained to the people the idea that Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Tajiks, Tatars, Turkmens and Kyrgyz should work together.
In 1917, the concept of “Muhtariyat”, meaning the word “Autonomy” related to the idea of “self-determination”, became the most popular expression. In that historical period, the Jadids foresaw how difficult it would be to separate from Russia and develop independently, and Turkestan would fall into a difficult situation. Because Turkestan was economically connected with the Russian Empire in every way. Therefore, the Jadids put the issue of independent development in the single economic framework with the newly formed Russian Federal Democratic Republic (RFDR) on the agenda. They were in favor of giving Turkestan the status of national-territorial autonomy with broad powers.
Realizing that the time of life-and-death struggle for freedom and autonomy had come, the enlightened forces began to harshly and mercilessly criticize colonialism. They abandoned the ideas of the previous constitutional monarchy system and began to demand that Turkestan be given a national-territorial autonomous republic, that is, autonomy within the Russian Democratic Federal Republic. In the program documents of the autonomists, the main focus was on the development of ways to implement the principles of national-territorial autonomy. In particular, necessary tasks and issues such as the organization of higher authorities, administration of the country and establishment of national courts, creation of state systems were put on the agenda.
In Turkestan, the republican administration method was found to be acceptable. The establishment of a democratic society was envisaged as the most desirable and acceptable society, and it was necessary to protect democratic rights and freedoms in such a society constitutionally.
Another incomparable service of Jadids in those years was the promotion of the idea of equality of all peoples and nationalities of Turkestan before the law, according to which the citizens of Turkestan should have equal rights in all economic, socio-political, legal and cultural aspects of society.
While implementing their ideas about state independence, Jadids of Turkestan saw the solution of these problems in an integral connection with the Constituent Assembly to be convened in Russia on a democratic basis, in agreement with various social forces of the country. Jadids tried a lot to get a place in the Constituent Assembly, and in the process, it even led to the creation of social-political organizations called “Shurai Islamiya”, “Shurai Ulama” and “Turk Adami Markaziyati Firqasi” made up of progressives in their ranks.
On October 25, 1917 (November 7 with a new date), the Bolsheviks, relying on the force of arms, overthrew the Provisional Government in Petrograd and seized power by violence. The echoes of the events that took place in the center of Russia soon reached Turkestan.
On October 28, in the new city of Tashkent, European workers and soldiers started armed clashes at the invitation of the Bolsheviks. On November 1, 1917, members of the Turkestan Committee of the Provisional Government were imprisoned. Soviet power was established in Tashkent through violence.
On November 15, 1917, on the eve of the opening of the Session of Workers, Soldiers and Christian Deputies of the III Turkestan Region, it became clear that the Session fully took upon itself the decision of the establishment of power in the country. After the Bolsheviks, Ezers, Socialist-Revolutionaries, and Social-Democratic Mensheviks finished the heated debate on the principles of the organization of power, it was Sherali Lapin’s turn to speak. In his speech, he introduced the participants of the session to the decision on the establishment of the regional government adopted by the III session of Turkestan Muslims. He said that “Muslims could have demanded all power, but they gave way to foreign elements and allowed their representatives to come to power” and warned that Muslims are absolutely against the rule of only one revolutionary democracy in the country.
Despite this, the Minutes approved by the 3rd Congress of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies declared that the highest body of power in the country is the “Soviet of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, now known as the Council of People’s Commissars of the Turkestan Region” and only representatives of the left socialist parties that made the October coup take part in its formation. Congress made a clear statement about the participation of the local population in the country’s governing body: “At the moment, it is not appropriate to include Muslims in the supreme organization of the country's revolutionary power. Because the attitude of the local population to the authority of the soldier, worker and peasant soviets is uncertain, and there are no proletarian class organizations among the local population.”
Thus, the government elected by the Congress - the Council of People’s Commissars - did not have a single representative of the local population of the country. Fyodor Kolesov became the chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars.
The Bolsheviks violated the right of nations to self-determination by convening the “III National Congress of Soviets” and making decisions on the principles of the organization of power and the formation of power bodies in the country on their own. From the very beginning, the Bolsheviks showed that they were the successors of the imperialist, chauvinistic, colonial policy of tsarism towards the local population.
As soon as power in Turkestan passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks, all branches of the Provisional Government in the country were abolished, and in their place, first of all, the penal authorities and the Soviet system of administration were established. In November 1917, the Turkestan Communist Party decided to create Red Guard units in the country. These units took an active part in suppressing the first conscious demonstrations against the Soviet regime and the Bolsheviks.
However, the national patriotic forces of Turkestan took a firm political position aimed at realizing the right of the people to self-determination and the creation of their own statehood at such a crucial moment for the fate of the country. The National Democrats showed their attitude immediately after the October Revolution of 1917.
The events that took place in the cities of Tashkent and Kokand in October-November 1917 caused the intensification of social and political movements in Turkestan. As a sign of refusal to cooperate with the Bolsheviks, the members of the central organization “Shurai Islamiya” led by the leaders of national democracy left Tashkent and moved to Kokand. On November 26-28, 1917, they held the 4th extraordinary congress of Turkestan Muslims here. This session intended to resolve the issue of state formation in Turkestan.
At the request of the democratic Muslim intellectuals, the representatives of the European part of the population of Turkestan also participated in the congress with equal rights. In contrast to the chauvinistic decisions of the III National Congress of the Soviets, the Muslim Congress at all stages of its work was based on the principle of true internationalism, taking into account the interests of the multi-ethnic, including European population of the country.
Such a humanitarian approach was manifested from the opening of the 4th All-Turkistan Muslim Congress. For example, Mahmudkhoja Behbudi in his speech about the legal basis of the Congress emphasized that “the decisions of the Congress are more prestigious because representatives of the European population of Turkestan participate in the Congress”.
The main result of the Congress activity was the establishment of Turkestan Autonomy. Turkestan Autonomy was the first practical experience of establishing national-democratic statehood in the territory of the country.
Over the course of three days, the participants of the Congress determined their views on the future political structure of Turkestan, which were reflected in the documents adopted at the Congress. In particular, on November 27, 2017, the following Declaration was adopted: “Long live Turkestan Autonomy! The Fourth Extraordinary Congress of Turkestan Muslims declares Turkestan territorial mukhtariyat, i.e., “territorial autonomy” while remaining united with the Russian Republic built on the basis of the Federation according to the principles given by the Great Russian Revolution (February Revolution) according to the wishes of the peoples of Turkestan.
The question of how this autonomy should be established will be submitted to the Uchreditelnyi Sobraniya of the People of All-Turkistan (Institution of the Turkestan Council), which will be convened soon.
Therefore, it solemnly declares that the rights of minority nations in Turkestan are preserved in all respects” (“Ulugh Turkistan” newspaper, December 8, 1917).
With this, the Congress expresses the desire of the people living in Turkestan to determine their own destiny as announced by the Great Russian Revolution, declares Turkestan territorially autonomous, and at the same time refers the forms of autonomy to the Constituent Assembly.
Thus, the name of the autonomous republic established on November 27, 1917 was called “Turkistan Autonomy”. The composition of the government should be formed as follows: until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, power will be fully concentrated in the hands of the Turkestan Provisional Council and the People’s (National) Majlis of Turkestan. A 12-member government will be formed from the members of the Provisional Council.
The Provisional Government of Turkestan Autonomy included active participants of the autonomist movement. The following people became members of the government:
- Muhammadjon Tinishpayev - Prime Minister, Minister of Internal Affairs, member of the State Duma of the 2nd convocation, member of the Turkestan Committee of the Interim Government, road engineer.
- Islam Sultan Shoahmedov - Deputy Prime Minister, member of the Central Committee of the All-Russian Council of Muslims, lawyer.
- Mustafa Chokai - Minister of Foreign Affairs, Chairman of the Central Council of Muslims of Turkestan, lawyer.
- Ubaidulla Khojayev - Minister of Military Affairs, member of the Central Committee of the All-Russian Council of Muslims, lawyer.
- Hidoyatbek Yuraly Agayev - Minister of Land and Water Resources, agronomist.
- Obidjon Mahmudov - Minister of Food, Deputy Chairman of Kokand City Duma, mining industry expert.
- Abdurahmonbek Orazayev - Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, lawyer.
- Solomon Abramovich Hersfeld - Minister of Finance, lawyer.
It was decided that 4 more people will be included in the government after nominations from among representatives of the European population.
After some time, due to some reasons, Mustafa Chokai took the post of Prime Minister of Turkestan Autonomous Government.
Out of the 54 seats assigned to the People’s (National) Assembly of Turkestan, 4 seats were allocated to local administrations of cities and 18 seats to representatives of various European organizations in the country. Thus, one-third of the seats were given to representatives of the European population, who made up 7% of the total population of the country.
The announcement of Turkestan Autonomy by Congress and the formation of state structures was a very important event. The establishment of the Turkestan Autonomy by the All-Muslim Council caused great uproar throughout the country. At the beginning of December 1917, in the cities of Tashkent, Namangan, Jalalabad, Kokand, Samarkand and other regions, thousands and thousands of people of the country organized rallies and demonstrations and enthusiastically supported the autonomy. Special decisions were made in this regard.
On December 1, 1917, a demonstration was held in Namangan district with the participation of about 10,000 people. Protesters were waving banners with the words “Long live autonomous Turkestan and its government!”
On December 6, a demonstration will be held in Khanabad village of Jalalabad region in connection with the establishment of Autonomy. On December 7, at a joint meeting of representatives of 42 public organizations of the city of Kokand, sincere congratulations were sent to the multi-million people of Turkestan. It was decided to support the Turkestan Autonomy at the session of the regional council held in Samarkand, and 5 new representatives were elected to the people's assembly. In Kaspiyorti region, a session was also called and a decision was made to support Turkestan Autonomy.
Enthusiastically congratulating the establishment of national statehood, well-known enlighteners, religious, public, and political figures made speeches one after another in the press and congratulated the Autonomy. Among them were Mahmudkhoja Behbudi, Mirmuhsin Shermuhammad, Abdulhamid Cholpon, Hamza Hakimzada Niyazi, Kabir Bakirov, Islam Shoahmedov, Abdurauf Fitrat, and others.
Inspired by the enthusiastic support of the people, representatives of the government of the Turkestan Autonomous Republic began to work intensively. From the first days, the decrees approved by the National Assembly were announced, and the new government engaged eminent jurists to prepare the State Constitution. Several government newspapers began to be published in Uzbek, Kazakh and Russian. The government also paid special attention to the formation of the national army. The number of soldiers reached 2000 during the parade held with the participation of the Minister of Defense Ubaidulla Khojayev.
On December 6, 1917, about 60,000 people took part in the demonstration held in the Jami’ mosque in Tashkent. According to “Ulugh Turkistan” newspaper, “The interior and roofs of the mosque were full of people.” The demonstration was chaired by Saidgani Makhdum. Munavvar Qori and Sherali Lapin were his deputies. The assembled people unanimously approved the Autonomy and decided that from now on they will not recognize any government except the Provisional Government of the Turkestan Autonomy. Then the participants of the demonstration swore to remain loyal to the People’s Assembly.
The tragic events of December 13, 1917 became a turning point in the struggle of the Turkestan people under the slogan “For an independent Turkestan”. On this day, after the October Revolution, people’s blood was shed for the first time on the land of Turkestan. The Provisional Government of the Turkestan Autonomous Republic declared December 13, which coincides with the Mawludi-Sharif holiday, as “the day of collecting money for the national fund of the Turkestan Autonomous Republic” and said that this money will serve to strengthen freedom and independence. However, the Soviet government of Turkestan and its local authorities did not allow the events to develop in this way, and took all measures to destroy Autonomy and its supporters.
The violent dispersal of a large demonstration in support of the Autonomy in Tashkent and the loss of many victims under the sound of rifles and machine guns fired by the Soviet military forces was the first assassination attempt against the Autonomy of Turkestan.
Despite this, support for the Turkestan Autonomous Government continued. In particular, the main issue of the 1st extraordinary congress of Muslim worker, soldier and peasant deputies, held in Kokand on December 26-30, 1917, was the attitude to the Turkestan Autonomy. On December 30, this congress, which was attended by about 200 representatives from all over Turkestan, adopted a declaration of support for the Turkestan Autonomous Government, as well as expressing no confidence in the Council of People’s Commissars of Turkestan. It said: “The Congress of Muslim Workers, Peasants and Soldiers requests the Turkestan Council of People’s Commissars to immediately hand over power to the Turkestan Autonomous Government and the National Assembly.”
However, the Bolsheviks of the country considered the Turkestan Autonomous Government a great threat. On January 19-26, 1918, in Tashkent, at the extraordinary 4th congress of workers’, soldiers’, and peasants’ deputies of the Turkestan Region, a completely negative reaction to Autonomy was expressed. This congress decided to imprison the Turkestan Autonomous Government and its members. Congress adopted the resolution of the Bolshevik faction on Turkestan Autonomy. In this resolution, the legal government of Turkestan was hypocritically called “a gang of black gang members”. As if this was not enough, this congress passed a cruel sentence on the Turkestan Autonomy, the first democratic and populist government in the country, which gained legal force under the pressure of the Bolsheviks and appeared as a defender of the interests of the indigenous population.
On January 30, 1918, the Turkestan Council of People’s Commissars (TSKS) began military operations to end the Autonomous Government. The Bolsheviks of Turkestan made extensive use of the armed groups of the Armenians “Dashnaqsutyun” (“Union”) party, in addition to the red soldiers.
The fighting started in the afternoon of January 31 lasted for several days. Attempts to negotiate to prevent bloodshed had not been successful.
On the night of February 18 to February 19, 11 echelons of infantry, cavalry and artillery units led by the military commissar of Turkestan region Y. L. Perfilyev began to arrive from Tashkent. Soviet troops surrounded Kokand from three sides. Artillery guns were brought into full combat mode.
On February 19, Perfilyev ordered all 12 cannons to open fire on the inhabitants of Kokand, including using incendiary shells. The roundup of civilians destroyed the city from 1:00 p.m. until the evening. But despite this, the autonomists did not give up and bravely defended every building, every shop, every caravanserai.
On February 19, 1918, the Turkestan Autonomous Government operating in the city of Kokand was overthrown as a result of the bloody attacks of the Bolsheviks. According to some reports, more than 10 thousand people died as a result of terrible battles and looting.
After the tragic events of February 1918 in Kokand, the struggle for freedom began to take the form of open armed resistance. After that, the indigenous population of Turkestan and their political leaders clearly saw the Bolsheviks’ open desire to introduce a state alien to the national mentality in the actions of government structures, and they came to the following conclusion: the possibility of a peaceful solution to the national question was over and freedom and independence can be won only by force of arms.
This laid the foundation for the mass national-liberation and independence movement against the Soviets in Turkestan.
